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Young in Norway 1992 and 2002, self-administered questionnaire studies filled in at school by about 20.000 youth aged 13-19 from all over Norway, cover a wide spectrum of questions about the everyday lives of young people. In this report secular changes in sex differences between these two points in time are analysed, covering leisure time habits, attitudes and relations to school, sexuality, mental health, antisocial behaviour and substance use. Underlying, analytic themes are gender equality and changed sex roles, and gendered aspects of risk and marginalisation. Compared to 1992, both sexes had read significantly fewer books in 2002. The reduction was greater among the girls. Both sexes liked going to school better, but were at the same time slightly less pleased with the subjects and the ways these were taught. Still, the girls like going to school best and had the most positive attitude in general. Disciplinary problems had decreased slightly. With the exception of truancy in secondary high school, boys showed more disciplinary problems than girls both in junior and secondary high school. On the other hand the girls were slightly more ambitious in their aspirations for higher education. In particular this pertained to girls from rural areas, and the drive towards the big cities seemed to have increased. The boys did not share in this development. The leisure time of the young people had become more oriented towards friends. In 2002 both sexes spent more time at home, but less of it together with their parents. These changes were greater on the part of the boys; more of them reported that they had large networks of friends, while at the same time more reported that they did not have a best friend. For both sexes, but particularly among the boys, a clear reduction in loneliness was reported as well as a clearly improved social self-image. For the girls the experience of loneliness was closely connected with lacking a best friend, while the boys were lonelier if they lacked a network. These great secular changes are probably due to the preponderance we now see of mobile phones and the availability of ICT-based communication. This enables contact with large networks in spite of large distances, as well as the coordination of social activities, in significantly different ways from what was possible in 1992. In particular this seems to have influenced the social integration of boys. Both sexes, but particularly the girls, had had their first sexual experiences at a lower age. More girls had experienced their debut between the ages of 16 and 17, while more boys had experienced theirs below the age of sexual consent as well. A larger proportion of girls had had same-sex sexual experiences, and as many as 25 % of them had «necked» with another girl. On the other hand, the homosexual experiences of the girls were more loosely connected with homosexual feelings and attraction than was found among the boys. We also find signs of a weak dichotomisation where thoughts and feelings connected with the body (body image) are concerned. More boys and girls were displeased with their bodies, but at the same time more were very pleased. A negative body image was more prevalent among the girls. In spite of the fact that both sexes exercised as much in 2002 as in 1992 their weight level had increased. The increase in eating problems that was found is connected with this, along with the development of a more critical and negative focus on how the body appears. Girls also had more symptoms of mental ill health than boys. We found an increase in depressed mood among both sexes, particularly among the boys. On the other hand we found improved self-image and self-esteem among the boys as well. There were no changes in the rate of suicide attempts among the boys, but an increase of four percentage points among the girls, from 10 to 14 %. As before more boys reported that they had engaged in antisocial behaviour, as well as in far more criminal acts. From 1992 to 2002 the prevalence of less serious norm-breaking behaviour, along with less serious criminal acts like pilfering, had on the other hand been reduced. We also found a clear reduction of violent behaviour like hitting others, kicking or threatening them, while the number who had used weapons was constant. Both serious and less serious vandalism had increased somewhat. The sex differences we found in 1992 had been slightly reduced, but this can largely be attributed to a reduction in the size of the group of boys who reported having done a few wrong things from time to time. On the other hand the reported increase in more serious criminal acts resulted from an increase in the size of the group of «recidivist» boys. There are signs of a polarisation in antisocial behaviour among the boys. Fewer reported engaging in less serious and sporadic antisocial acts, and here the girls were closer to the boys' level. At the same time there was a certain increase in reports of serious and more recurring criminal acts. The results in this reports point in different directions where changes in the girls' behaviour are concerned. On the one hand it may seem as if the spectrum of behaviour that is «allowed» had opened up, for instance where sexuality and educational aspirations are concerned. Wee se signs of more self-confident girls, active girls, and girls who made their own choices about what they wanted. On the other hand the girls had become more self-critical as well, and were judging their bodies, how they appeared and themselves continuously, which resulted in somewhat more girls with high self-esteem and a positive body image, but in even more girls with low self-esteem and a negative body image. In other words the results indicate both «liberation» and «limiting». A third dimension in this image of changes is that it seems as if the girls' motivation and ability to make their own choices, their individuality and independence, were also used to choose traditional female roles. Increased independence and freedom of choice do not necessarily change patterns of action. Equally well, traditional choices may just be justified in new ways. The results are partly contradictory on the part of the boys as well. On the one hand they were less lonely in 2002 than in 1992, had higher self-esteem, were more pleased with themselves and their ability to make friends, they had more friends and perhaps greater social resources than ten year previously. On the other hand the increase in mental health problems, substance abuse and serious criminal acts had been greater among the boys. Is this a sign of a returning macho culture? Is it a warning that boys will need more attention in the coming decades to avoid their becoming marginalised in their relationship with society at large as well as the workplace?Prosjektet Ung i Norge 2002 er en mangefasettert spørreskjemaundersøkelse som dekker et vidt spekter av temaer som er relevante for å beskrive og forstå ungdoms liv i Norge. Svarene fra 12 000 ungdommer i alderen 13 til 19 år bosatt i hele landet inngår i databasen. Ett av temaene som ble ansett som sentralt i prosjektet, var forskjeller mellom gutter og jenters atferd og holdninger. Har det skjedd endringer i forskjellene mellom kjønnene siden den forrige Ung i Norge-undersøkelsen ble gjennomført i 1992? Har noen av disse endringene i så fall betydning for likestilling mellom kjønnene? Mer likestilling? Eller større forskjeller? Rapporten er skrevet på bakgrunn av data fra både 1992 og 2002, og dekker flere ulike tema med tanke på å se etter endringer i kjønnsforskjeller - uavhengig av om det kan sies å være av betydning for "likestilling": Fritidsbruk og vennskap, skolegang, utdanningsambisjoner, atferdsproblemer, rusmiddelbruk, mental helse, kropp, slanking og seksualitet. Undersøkelsen er finansiert av Norges forskningsråd.Last ned rapporten gratis (pdf), eller kjøp den via handlevognen.